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revolution

“The system is corrupt, a young man on a bicycle shouted, and if it cannot be changed it must be destroyed. The mastodon revolution is here and you must all choose which side of history you want to be on.”

— Salman Rushdie, Quichotte, Share via Whatsapp

“The modern world is insanity disguised as progress.”

— Steven Magee, Share via Whatsapp

“He was walking over toward the West Side, aimlessly at first, and then at times with the longing to do something to save those mistaken men from themselves forming itself into a purpose. Was not that what she meant when she bewailed her woman s helplessness? She must have wished him to try if he, being a man, could not do something; or if she did not, still he would try, and if she heard of it she would recall what she had said and would be glad he had understood her so. Thinking of her pleasure in what he was going to do, he forgot almost what it was; but when he came to a street-car track he remembered it, and looked up and down to see if there were any turbulent gathering of men whom he might mingle with and help to keep from violence. He saw none anywhere; and then suddenly, as if at the same moment, for in his exalted mood all events had a dream-like simultaneity, he stood at the corner of an avenue, and in the middle of it, a little way off, was a street-car, and around the car a tumult of shouting, cursing, struggling men. The driver was lashing his horses forward, and a policeman was at their heads, with the conductor, pulling them; stones, clubs, brickbats hailed upon the car, the horses, the men trying to move them. The mob closed upon them in a body, and then a patrol-wagon whirled up from the other side, and a squad of policemen leaped out and began to club the rioters. Conrad could see how they struck them under the rims of their hats; the blows on their skulls sounded as if they had fallen on stone; the rioters ran in all directions. One of the officers rushed up toward the corner where Conrad stood, and then he saw at his side a tall, old man, with a long, white beard, who was calling out at the policemen: Ah, yes! Glup the strikerss—gif it to them! Why don t you co and glup the bresidents that insoalt your lawss, and gick your Boart of Arpidration out-of-toors? Glup the strikerss—they cot no friendts! They cot no money to pribe you, to dreat you! The officer lifted his club, and the old man threw his left arm up to shield his head. Conrad recognized Lindau, and now he saw the empty sleeve dangle in the air over the stump of his wrist. He heard a shot in that turmoil beside the car, and something seemed to strike him in the breast. He was going to say to the policeman: Don t strike him! He s an old soldier! You see he has no hand! but he could not speak, he could not move his tongue. The policeman stood there; he saw his face: it was not bad, not cruel; it was like the face of a statue, fixed, perdurable—a mere image of irresponsible and involuntary authority. Then Conrad fell forward, pierced through the heart by that shot fired from the car. March heard the shot as he scrambled out of his car, and at the same moment he saw Lindau drop under the club of the policeman, who left him where he fell and joined the rest of the squad in pursuing the rioters. The fighting round the car in the avenue ceased; the driver whipped his horses into a gallop, and the place was left empty. March would have liked to run; he thought how his wife had implored him to keep away from the rioting; but he could not have left Lindau lying there if he would. Something stronger than his will drew him to the spot, and there he saw Conrad, dead beside the old man.”

— William Dean Howells, A Hazard of New Fortunes, Share via Whatsapp

“Revolutions are necessary, but they seldom justify the cost in human lives.”

— Marty Rubin, Share via Whatsapp

“We don’t want any of that; said N’Dolo, jerking his head in their direction. We don’t want to go on being the world’s zoo, we want factories and tractors instead of lions and elephants. We must first get rid of colonialism, which delights in this exotic .stagnation, the principal advantage of which is that it produces cheap labor. We must get rid of that at all costs, and then, with the same energy and freedom from sentimentality, get down to indoctrinating the masses: crush out the tribal past, hammer the new political ideas, by every means, into brains darkened by primitive traditions. A period of dictatorship was of course indispensable, for the masses were not ready to take control; Ataturk’s experiment in Turkey and Stalin’s in Russia were historically justified. Morel listened calmly; he had long ceased to have any illusions about what was in store for Africa.”

— Romain Gary, The Roots of Heaven, Share via Whatsapp

“Revolutions are necessary, but they are seldom justified.”

— Marty Rubin, Share via Whatsapp

“There is no revolution like repentence.”

— Lailah Gifty Akita, Share via Whatsapp

“The unraveling of civilization doesn’t require armies or revolutions. All that is required is for one too many people to be looking the wrong way at the wrong time.”

— Stephen Tobolowsky, My Adventures with God, Share via Whatsapp

“There as yet to be a revolution where those who served it have not eventually been eaten”

— Dean Cavanagh, Share via Whatsapp

“Dissatisfaction produces movement. A movement turns into Revolution when it is suppressed. असंतोष आन्दोलन को जन्म देता है और आन्दोलन का उन्नमूलन क्रांति को ! © Sharad Kashyap 07 Jan 2020”

— Sharad Kashyap, Share via Whatsapp

“Even the farthest seers can t bend their gaze beyond their era s horizon of possibility, but the horizon shifts with each incremental revolution as the human mind peers outward to take in nature, then turns inward to question its own givens. We sieve the world through the mesh of these certitudes, tautened by nature and culture, but every once in a while—whether by accident or conscious effort—the wire loosens and the kernel of revolution slips through.”

— Maria Popova, Figuring, Share via Whatsapp

“كنتُ أصنع لهم الجحيم، لأبني جنّتي. لكنّني أزورهم كل يوم، وأعيش معهم بنصف يومي. إنّ هذه الأرواح لم تمُت تمامًا، ستصحو لتفتك بي”

— ناصر الظفيري, أبيض يتوحش, Share via Whatsapp

“At first glance, a militant conception of revolution seems more impractical than a nonviolent conception, but this is because it is realistic. People need to understand that capitalism, the state, white supremacy, imperialism, and patriarchy all constitute a war against the people of this planet. And revolution is an intensification of that war. We cannot liberate ourselves and create the worlds we want to live in if we think of fundamental social change as shining a light in the darkness, winning hearts and minds, speaking truth to power, bearing witness, capturing people’s attention, or any other passive parade. Millions of people die every year on this planet for no better reason than a lack of clean drinking water. Because the governments and corporations that have usurped control of the commons have not found a way to profit from those people’s lives, they let them die. Millions of people die every year because a few corporations and their allied governments do not want to allow the production of generic AIDS drugs and other medicine. Do you think the institutions and the elite individuals who hold the power of life or death over millions give a fuck about our protests? They have declared war on us, and we need to take it back to them. Not because we are angry (though we should be), not to get revenge, and not because we are acting impulsively, but because we have weighed the possibility of freedom against the certainty of shame from living under whatever form of domination we are faced with in our particular corner of the globe; because we realize that some people are already fighting, often alone, for their liberation, and that they have a right to and we should support them; and because we understand that the overlapping prisons that entomb our world have by now been so cleverly constructed that the only way to free ourselves is to fight and destroy these prisons and defeat the jailers by whatever means necessary.”

— Peter Gelderloos, How Nonviolence Protects the State, Share via Whatsapp

“Last month, when I came to see you, you asked me just before I left, Are you still involved in politics? The word still was a reference to my first year in high school, when I belonged to a radical leftist party and we argued because you thought I’d get myself into trouble if I took part in illegal demonstrations. Yes, I told you, more and more involved. You let three or four seconds go by. Then you said, You’re right. You’re right — what we need is a revolution.”

— Édouard Louis, Qui a tué mon père, Share via Whatsapp

“There can be no separation of the revolutionary process from the revolutionary goal. A society based on self-administration must be achieved by means of self-administration.”

— Murray Bookchin, Post-Scarcity Anarchism, Share via Whatsapp

“You build a revolution on ideas. If the population doesn t buy your ideas, it means they re not ready, or you re wrong. There s this tendency for people to see any fight against the system as a fight for progress. As if the people before them couldn t possibly have gotten anything right. If you re using bombs instead of words, that means you re banking on people giving you what you want out of fear instead of reason. That s never a good sign.”

— Sylvain Neuvel, Only Human, Share via Whatsapp

“Now, insurrection is an art quite as much as war or any other, and subject to certain rules of proceeding, which, when neglected, will produce the ruin of the party neglecting them. Those rules, logical deductions from the nature of the parties and the circumstances one has to deal with in such a case, are so plain and simple that the short experience of 1848 had made the Germans pretty well acquainted with them. Firstly, never play with insurrection unless you are fully prepared to face the consequences of your play. Insurrection is a calculus with very indefinite magnitudes, the value of which may change every day; the forces opposed to you have all the advantage of organization, discipline, and habitual authority: unless you bring strong odds against them you are defeated and ruined. Secondly, the insurrectionary career once entered upon, act with the greatest determination, and on the offensive. The defensive is the death of every armed rising; it is lost before it measures itself with its enemies. Surprise your antagonists while their forces are scattering, prepare new successes, however small, but daily; keep up the moral ascendancy which the first successful rising has given to you; rally those vacillating elements to your side which always follow the strongest impulse, and which always look out for the safer side; force your enemies to a retreat before they can collect their strength against you; in the words of Danton, the greatest master of revolutionary policy yet known, de l audace, de l audace, encore de l audace!”

— Karl marx and friedrich engels, Share via Whatsapp